Israeli President Isaac Herzog gave opposition leader Gadi Eisenkot the first opportunity to form a new government, in a setback for Benjamin Netanyahu, who lost his parliamentary majority in the October 27 election. However, the former chief of the General Staff faces a complex political puzzle: he needs to add support from Arab forces, negotiate with ultra-Orthodox parties or explore an agreement with his main rival. With a maximum period of six weeks, its ability to reach compromises will determine whether Israel manages to emerge from institutional paralysis or heads towards new elections.

First modification: 08/11/2026 - 17:16Last modification: 08/11/2026 - 17:42

A mandate that opens a new political stage. Israeli President Isaac Herzog has tasked opposition leader Gadi Eisenkot with forming the next government, a decision that represents a new setback for Benjamin Netanyahu, the longest-serving prime minister in the country's history. The appointment came after the October 27 elections, in which none of the political blocs obtained the seats necessary to guarantee a parliamentary majority.

Eisenkot, former chief of staff of the Israeli Army and Netanyahu's main rival in these elections, has a maximum of six weeks to build a coalition capable of governing and a time limit of 28 days to negotiate cabinet positions, budgets and policies with the parties. Although Herzog's decision places him in a privileged position, it does not mean that he is assured of the position of prime minister.

"There is an urgent need for new, high-quality leadership," Eisenkot said after receiving the mandate. The leader also assured that he will lead the formation of a national emergency government and defended the need to prevent the country from being trapped in another succession of elections.

Eisenkot was optimistic, although aware of the complexities of forming a new Administration. "We are in an emergency situation. Israel needs new leadership as much as it needs air to breathe. I am convinced that it is possible and correct to quickly form an Israeli emergency government based on the four principles I have outlined; a government that has a large majority in the Knesset," he declared.

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During his appearance in Jerusalem, he maintained that he aspires to establish leadership that inspires confidence, represents all sectors of society and acts in the public interest. He also expressed his belief that it is possible to quickly form an executive with a substantial parliamentary majority.

However, his optimistic statements contrast with the complexity of the negotiations ahead.

Read also: What scenarios does Eisenkot face to form a government in Israel?

A fragmented Parliament without clear majorities

The electoral result left a scenario of fragmentation that explains the difficulties in forming a government. The Knesset, the Israeli Parliament, has 120 seats and requires a minimum majority of 61 deputies to constitute an executive.

Netanyahu's bloc went from having 68 seats to 53, while the opposition forces led by Eisenkot won 48. The other 19 seats were in the hands of the Arab-led parties, which obtained historic representation and became decisive actors in determining the political future of the country.

Parliamentary arithmetic places Eisenkot facing a paradox: although his bloc is in a position to challenge for power, it needs the support of forces with which it maintains important ideological and political differences.

Therefore, its main challenge is not only to gather sufficient support, but to get its potential partners to accept a government formula without giving up their main demands.

Read alsoReport from Jerusalem: Herzog chooses Eisenkot to form a government in Israel

Arab parties, a decisive and politically controversial key

One of the most viable alternatives on paper would be to form a minority government with the external support of the two Arab parties: Ra'am and the Joint List. Together they obtained 19 seats which, added to the 48 of the opposition bloc, would allow them to gather potential support of 67 deputies.

This formula would not necessarily require that Arab formations be formally incorporated into the cabinet. It would be enough for them to guarantee their parliamentary support to facilitate the investiture and prevent possible motions of censure from succeeding.

The possibility is especially significant because the participation of an Arab party in an Israeli governing coalition is still a historical exception. Ra'am was part of the executive led by Naftali Bennett in 2021, an experience that ended up collapsing 18 months later, among other reasons, due to disagreements related to the occupied West Bank.

On this occasion, both Arab parties have expressed their willingness to collaborate with Eisenkot to prevent Netanyahu's return to power. The Joint List, in particular, has announced that it could support him from outside the coalition, breaking with decades of precedent.

However, this possibility represents an important political cost for the opposition leader. Some of its allies reject any agreement with Arab formations. The Israel Our Home party, led by conservative Avigdor Lieberman, has already ruled out participating in a government that depends on its support.

Furthermore, Eisenkot will have to overcome the deep differences between his political project and the positions of the Arab parties, which question fundamental aspects of Israeli policies, especially in relation to the war in Gaza and the expansion of settlements in the West Bank.

Eisenkot himself has established conditions for any formation that seeks to join his project: supporting Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, recognizing its Declaration of Independence, supporting military or national service and considering Hamas a terrorist organization.

These demands show that an understanding will not be easy, even if both parties share the immediate objective of removing Netanyahu from power.

Read alsoIsrael still does not have a clear majority and Herzog urges the parties to reach agreements

Military service, another obstacle to attracting the ultra-Orthodox

The second major alternative is to negotiate with the ultra-Orthodox parties, which have 13 seats and could provide Eisenkot with the necessary parliamentary majority if they join his bloc.

However, differences over military service threaten to thwart this possibility.

Religious parties have traditionally been allies of Netanyahu and defend maintaining exemptions that allow many ultra-Orthodox men to avoid mandatory military service while studying in religious seminaries. For these formations, dispensations are essential to preserve their lifestyle and institutions.

Eisenkot, on the contrary, has made equality in military obligations one of the axes of his political project. The former military chief and his allies consider it necessary to put an end to a system that, in their opinion, unequally distributes national defense responsibilities.

The issue has acquired special sensitivity after more than three years of war, during which the burden of military service has fallen on large sectors of Israeli society. Discontent over the exemptions has intensified among those who consider it unfair that a part of the population is left out of these obligations.

Despite the differences, negotiations are not completely ruled out. United Torah Judaism has left open the possibility of collaborating with Eisenkot, while his partner Avigdor Lieberman has shown some willingness to study a compromise on exemptions.

The problem is that any concession could cause tensions within the opposition bloc itself, especially among those who have defended a profound reform of the system during the campaign.

Read alsoShould ultra-Orthodox Jews perform military service?

Netanyahu maintains pressure and proposes a unity government

While Eisenkot tries to gather the necessary support, Netanyahu has not given up his aspirations to remain in power. Although his bloc lost its parliamentary majority, the Likud continues to be the political force with the greatest representation in the Knesset and the prime minister retains the ability to maneuver.

His main strategy has been to question the legitimacy of a possible alliance between Eisenkot and the Arab parties. Netanyahu has repeatedly claimed, without presenting conclusive evidence, that these parties manipulated or "stole" the elections by mobilizing their voters.

He has also warned that a government backed by Arab parties would pose a risk to national security. In a video released shortly before the presidential announcement, he defended the creation of a government of national unity and warned against the formation of an executive that, in his words, included supporters of terrorists.

These accusations come while the Shin Bet, the Israeli internal security service, investigates possible foreign interference in the elections. However, both the Central Electoral Commission and President Herzog have defended the validity of the vote and consider that any irregularities would not have significantly altered the result.

Netanyahu has also raised the possibility of sharing power with Eisenkot through a national unity government. This formula would allow different political forces to come together and overcome parliamentary fragmentation.

However, the agreement seems complicated. Eisenkot's allies campaigned precisely with the goal of displacing Netanyahu, so accepting a coalition with him could be interpreted as a renunciation of his main electoral commitment. In turn, the prime minister would have to distance himself from his traditional partners, including ultra-Orthodox formations and far-right parties.

The discrepancies also affect substantive issues, such as the investigation into the security failures that preceded the Hamas attack on October 7, 2023 and exemptions from military service.

Even so, a unity government could become an emergency solution if negotiations between the different blocs fail and pressure increases to avoid new elections.

Read alsoCertification of election results in Israel dispels Netanyahu's claims of fraud

What happens if Eisenkot fails to form a government?

The institutional calendar adds pressure to the negotiations. Eisenkot initially has 28 days to form a coalition, with the possibility of requesting a two-week presidential extension. In total, you will have a maximum of 42 days to try to gather a majority.

If he fails, Herzog could offer Netanyahu the chance to form a government. The prime minister would then have to look for new allies, attract deputies from other parties or try to divide the opposition bloc.

Netanyahu has already demonstrated on previous occasions his ability to take advantage of parliamentary fractures and attract representatives of other parties. However, the current composition of the Knesset and the loss of support from his coalition make that strategy difficult.

If he also fails to gather a majority, a new process could be opened to propose another candidate. If institutional alternatives are exhausted without an agreement, Israel would have to call new elections, expected at the beginning of next spring.

Meanwhile, the new Knesset deputies will be sworn in and Netanyahu will continue to head an interim government, with limited powers, until a new Executive is formed.

Read alsoThe scenarios for forming a government in Israel with Netanyahu and Eisenkot without an absolute majority

A blockade that reflects Israel's deep divisions

Eisenkot's difficulties in forming a government go beyond a dispute between political leaders. The electoral result and the subsequent negotiations reflect the fractures that run through Israeli society: the differences between the religious and secular sectors, the debate on equality in military service, the relationship with the Arab minority and the disagreements over the management of the war and national security.

Added to these tensions is the wear and tear caused by the years of conflict following the Hamas attack on October 7, 2023, which has conditioned much of the political debate and has hardened the positions of numerous sectors of the population.

In this context, Eisenkot must demonstrate that his speech of renewal and unity can be translated into concrete agreements. Its main strength is that Netanyahu no longer has the majority that allowed him to govern, but its weakness lies in the heterogeneity of the forces that could support him.

The available options involve important contradictions: approaching Arab parties may alienate their conservative partners; negotiating with the ultra-Orthodox may force him to relax his commitment to military equality; and agreeing with Netanyahu would mean giving up the central objective of his campaign.

For now, Herzog's decision has opened an opportunity to alter the Israeli political balance, but it has not resolved the blockade. The outcome will depend on Eisenkot's ability to build a majority among forces that share the rejection of Netanyahu, but who disagree deeply about the country they want to govern.

The question, therefore, is not only whether the former head of the Army will be able to add 61 deputies, but also whether he will be able to keep that majority together once he reaches power. Because, even if he manages to form a government, the stability of his eventual coalition could become as difficult a challenge as the negotiations ahead.

Read alsoHow Ben-Gvir's "tough policies" boosted the Arab vote in Israel: 'The Times of Israel'

With Reuters, AP and local media

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