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Turkish and Azerbaijani commentators criticize Kazakhstan's proposal to invite Russia to the work of the Organization of Turkic States: they fear that Moscow will limit the independence of the association. Meanwhile, Astana’s desire may be explained by the desire to gain a counterweight to Turkey, experts say.
"Feasible proposal"
“In general, if Russia became part of the Turkic countries, that is, our organization, it would benefit all our states,” Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev said on October 30 at the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) summit in Ankara.
Tokayev explained his call to involve Moscow in the work of the UTG or to give it observer status by Russia’s historical ties with the Turkic world and the fact that many Turkic peoples live on its territory.
In the Kremlin, at least in words, the proposal was greeted with enthusiasm. Vladimir Putin's press secretary Dmitry Peskov called Russia's participation in the organization's work appropriate, clarifying that Moscow has not yet received an official invitation.
This probably won’t happen at all: Azerbaijan came out strongly against it, and Türkiye diplomatically reminded that potential observers of the organization’s work have limitations.
The UTG includes Türkiye, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. The association was established in 2009 as the Cooperation Council of Turkic-Speaking States, and received its current name in 2021. Its secretariat is located in Istanbul.
Hungary, Turkmenistan and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, recognized only by Turkey, have observer status in the UTC. The Economic Cooperation Organization is also an observer.
Common linguistic and cultural roots formed the basis of the unification, but its agenda has long spanned trade, investment, transport and security. One of the priorities of OTG is the development of the Trans-Caspian transport corridor, connecting the Chinese and European markets through Central Asia and the South Caucasus, allowing the transport of goods bypassing Russia.
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The World Bank views the development of this route as an opportunity for Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Georgia to reduce their dependence on transport routes through Russia.
Why does Kazakhstan need this?
Astana seeks to balance Turkey’s activity within the UTC, since Ankara often promotes topics that do not coincide with the priorities of the Central Asian states, Kazakh political scientist Tolganay Umbetalieva from the Central Asian Foundation for the Development of Democracy explained to the Politik Central Asia channel.
One example is Northern Cyprus. Türkiye is seeking international recognition, but Astana is not ready to support this agenda. In March 2025, representatives of Kazakhstan and other Central Asian countries, in a joint communiqué with the EU, confirmed their commitment to UN Security Council resolutions calling not to recognize Northern Cyprus.
According to Umbetalieva, the states of the region want to strengthen their own international positions. Increased Turkish dominance in the OTG could complicate this task, and the presence of Russia would help maintain the balance.
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Another motive is to reduce Russian mistrust of the unification. Kazakh political scientist Gaziz Abishev believes that Moscow’s participation would help demonstrate that the OTG is not directed against Russia or China. In his interpretation, Russia could become an observer, whose presence prevents the excessive strengthening of one of the organization’s participants.
“It was a very strange proposal, which even in Kazakhstan caused bewilderment,” political scientist Dosym Satpayev tells the BBC. “Most likely, in this way Tokayev is trying to show the Kremlin that he is a lobbyist for Russia’s interests in some areas. With the same success, he is trying to show himself as a lobbyist for Chinese interests in the post-Soviet space. I think this is an attempt to act as a moderator and mediator who is ready to build bridges between different geopolitical players and regional organizations.”
Turkey's response
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Deputy Chairman of the Turkish ruling Justice and Development Party Kurshad Zorlu, who is responsible for relations with the Turkic states, in response to Tokayev’s proposal, recalled the language requirement: countries where one of the Turkic or related languages is the state or official throughout the territory can apply for observer status. The regional status that the languages of the Turkic peoples of Russia have is not enough for this.
For other states, the “OTG+” format is provided. As Zorlu explained, meetings with external partners at the level of heads of state or foreign ministers are possible by joint decision of all members of the organization. The Russian appeal, if received, will be assessed taking into account the general interests of the Turkic world.
Zorlu also proposed resuming cooperation with the six Russian republics through the International Organization of Turkic Culture - TURKSOY. It was created in 1993 by Turkey and the five Turkic-speaking countries of the former USSR to develop cultural ties, hold festivals and preserve common heritage. Altai, Tuva, Bashkortostan, Tatarstan, Yakutia and Khakassia received observer status in it.
In 2015, Russian authorities demanded that these republics cease contacts with TURKSOY after a Turkish fighter shot down a Russian Su-24 military aircraft near the border with Syria.
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Former Secretary General of the Turkic Council, diplomat Khalil Akinci, spoke much more harshly, doubting that the initiative would be supported. The presence of Turkic communities, in his opinion, cannot in itself serve as a basis for the admission of a state: such communities live in many countries, from Bulgaria and Greece to Iran and Iraq.
“Let’s be neighbors with Russia, let’s be friends,” Akinci said.
Columnist for the pro-government newspaper Türkiye Meryem Aybike Sinan saw both opportunities and risks in the initiative. Russian participation, in her opinion, could facilitate ties with Turkic peoples within Russia and help balance China.
At the same time, she fears that Moscow will have the opportunity to influence the Middle (Trans-Caspian) corridor and restrain the defense cooperation of the Central Asian countries with Turkey.
Why does Azerbaijan object?
In Azerbaijan, a number of government-controlled publications opposed the proposal.
The state newspaper Xalq Qazeti, in a commentary on Russian participation, recalled Russification and the restrictions that Turkic peoples faced in the Russian Empire and the USSR. The author also pointed to contemporary statements by Russian politicians questioning the sovereignty and borders of the Central Asian states.
The newspaper also raises the question of whether Russian participation is compatible with the principle of respect for borders and sovereignty, which the UTG declares, against the backdrop of Russia’s war against Ukraine.
Even observer status, the publication fears, will allow Moscow to influence discussions within the UTC, deepen disagreements between its members and interfere with the development of a common position. An additional reason for caution is Russian interests in transport and energy projects that are being developed by the association’s participants.
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Musavat.com viewed Turkic integration and the Kremlin's concept of a "Russian world" as competing projects: full Russian membership would change the balance of power in the organization in Moscow's favor.
Ruling party deputy Vugar Iskenderov took a more cautious position. In a comment to Oxu.az, he proposed assessing the initiative taking into account the interests of the Turkic states and distinguishing between cooperation with Russia on individual projects and its constant participation in the work of the organization. He called the preservation of the independence of the UTG the key condition.
Although observer status does not give the right to participate in the decision-making of the UTC, critics of the initiative mainly fear political pressure, for which one does not need to have a formal voice.
Who's "in charge"?
After the collapse of the USSR, Russia maintained close military, economic and cultural ties in Central Asia. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are members of the CSTO and the Eurasian Economic Union. There is a Russian military base in Kyrgyzstan. Russia also remains the main source of remittances to this country: according to the Kyrgyz National Bank, in 2025 it accounted for more than 92% of receipts.
Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine has strengthened the desire of Central Asian states to reduce dependence on Moscow, according to an analysis by the German Society for Foreign Policy. They are expanding ties with China, Turkey and Western countries, while maintaining cooperation with Russia. For governments in the region, this is a way to gain more freedom in foreign policy and choice of economic partners.
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Türkiye, relying on linguistic and cultural ties, is developing trade and educational projects, including joint universities in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. A separate area is defense cooperation: Ankara and Astana hold military consultations and develop military-technical ties.
Uzbekistan is simultaneously strengthening ties with both countries. In June 2026, the presidents of Uzbekistan and Russia launched the construction of the first nuclear power unit. Tashkent is developing cooperation in the defense industry with Turkey, and in January the parties held a joint meeting of ministers and heads of intelligence services on foreign policy and security issues.
“Central Asia resembles a bride, around whom a large number of suitors revolve,” says political scientist Dosym Satpayev. — Every groom holds viewings - summits, where he tries to show the bride his advantages. And Tokayev is implementing this multi-vector policy, trying to sit on a large number of chairs - with the USA, and with the EU, and with Russia, and with China, and with Turkey.”
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